Robert Kuttner

Robert Kuttner is co-founder and co-editor of The American Prospect, and professor at Brandeis University's Heller School. His latest book is Can Democracy Survive Global Capitalism? In addition to writing for the Prospect, he writes for HuffPost, The Boston Globe, and The New York Review of Books. 

Follow Bob at his site, robertkuttner.com, and on Twitter. 

Recent Articles

Comment: Schlemiel, Schlimazel

One of my favorite hoary bits of Jewish humor explains the difference between a schlemiel (a fool) and a schlimazel (one prone to misfortune): A schlemiel is the traveler who spills his coffee on a fellow passenger. A schlimazel is the fellow he spills it on. Vice President Al Gore has to be the schlimazel of American politics. Just when he begins gaining a little ground, someone (often Bill Clinton) spills coffee on him. A recent case in point is the WTO/China/labor-rights/AFL-CIO fiasco. AFL-CIO President John Sweeney called in IOUs all over the labor movement to swing the labor federation's endorsement for Gore. This was no small achievement. Labor is divided among public sector/service unions, such as Sweeney's alma mater, the Service Employees International Union, and industrial unions. Public employee unions depend heavily on administration goodwill and are fond of Clinton and Gore. The big industrial unions, however, cannot stomach the administration's trade policy. Moreover,...

Comment: Labor Man

N ew Democrats would not be wrong to view this year's Democratic national convention as their own victory rally. Though the party platform offered brave words to comfort liberals, the details were safely moderate. Running mate Joe Lieberman, president of the Democratic Leadership Council (DLC), is about as centrist a figure as the Democratic Party has outside the deep South. A New Republic cover exulted, "How the Democrats Buried the Left," citing Lieberman, Congressman Dick Gephardt's rapprochement with Gore, the relative isolation of labor, and the New Democrat themes that dominate Gore's campaign. But is burying the left a smart thing for Democrats to do? Where does it leave the labor movement's alliance with the Democratic Party? And does it strengthen or weaken Gore's chances to be the next president? The best thing about Lieberman is the way he trumps the ace of the Christian right. You want faith, we got faith. You want religious tolerance, well maybe you don't. It suddenly...

Out of Los Angeles, a Resurgence for Labor

You may not have heard of Antonio Villaraigosa, but in about a month he is likely to be on the cover of Time and Newsweek. Villaraigosa is the front-runner to become the first Latino mayor of Los Angeles in the June 5 election. Almost more important, his likely win is the fruit of a remarkable resurgence of the labor movement in LA, based substantially on the organizing of the immigrant and low-wage work force. His emergence is an emblem of the most interesting social movement since the civil rights era. Villaraigosa less than a decade ago was a union organizer. He got elected to the California State Assembly, quickly rising to speaker by 1998. That this man may soon be mayor of the largest city in America's largest state is one of the few hopeful harbingers for liberals in an era that seems not only politically conservative but politically dead. Both parties in a sense have become the party of Washington, and most voters don't seem to be paying attention. The Democrats, now in...

Globalization and Its Critics

What is Tom Daschle up to? "In this divided government," he declared upon becoming Senate majority leader, "we are required to find common ground and seek meaningful bipartisanship." He told the press he would not seek repeal of even the most ill considered portions of President Bush's tax cut. In an op-ed in The New York Times, Daschle added, "I believe the only way forward is to embrace a spirit of principled compromise." He invoked campaign finance reform as a bill on which both parties compromised and moved forward. Daschle seems to be up to several things. One is to be the non-Bush, distinguishing himself from the man who campaigned as a conciliator but has governed as a partisan. The second is to hold together his slender majority, which unfortunately contains several quasi-Republicans. The third is to give the media elite what they insist the public wants. Daschle's conciliatory June 10 op-ed piece echoed the Times's editorial advice of a week earlier: "Mr. Daschle can answer [...

Comment: After Triumphalism

What a wonderful world it seemed in the 1990s. The United States had not only won the Cold War; it had demonstrated the economic, political, and moral superiority of its own system, the free market. Those abroad who had long resented U.S. global policies were finally revealed to be self-defeating nationalists or superannuated Marxists. Even the Latin Americans were scrambling to catch the laissez-faire wave, firing their planners, hiring Chicago-trained economists, slashing antiquated welfare outlays, privatizing state enterprises, and, above all, opening themselves to foreign private capital. The world's truly destitute were easily written off as hopeless cases; they were simply mired in their own corruption and lassitude. In every society, the most nimble and alert were precisely those who most wanted to be like Americans. Indeed, weren't two million of them sneaking across our borders every year as millions more were turned away? America was now the sole superpower in every sense...

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